In an age when every minor anniversary is seized upon for reflection, it’s striking how little attention has been paid to one of the most consequential democratic events in British history: the referendum of 5 June 1975.
Fifty years ago, yesterday, British voters were asked a profound question – whether to remain in the European Economic Community, just two years after joining. The choice they made that day would shape the UK’s political and economic destiny for a generation. And yet, the echoes of that first “Brexit” vote would return with a vengeance four decades later.
The 1975 referendum was Britain’s first nationwide plebiscite – a novelty in a political culture steeped in parliamentary sovereignty. At the time, even those who supported holding it were ambivalent. The Sun called it “a constitutional monstrosity,” but backed it anyway. The Conservative leader, Margaret Thatcher, labelled referendums “a device of dictators and demagogues.” Still, she campaigned enthusiastically for a “Yes” vote, famously sporting a jumper covered in the flags of the nine EEC member states.
Labour’s gamble and echoes of 2016
The referendum was the product of a political crisis within the Labour Party. Prime Minister Harold Wilson, leading a divided government with a razor-thin majority, sought to settle the internal dispute by renegotiating the UK’s EEC membership terms and putting them to the public. In this, the parallels with David Cameron’s strategy in 2016 are uncanny: a divided party, a Europe-sceptic electorate and a leader trying to appease both wings by appealing to the national vote.
Yet for all these surface similarities, the contrasts are just as revealing. In 1975, the political alignment on Europe was almost inverted. The pro-European forces were led by the Conservatives. Edward Heath, who had taken Britain into the EEC in 1973, campaigned vigorously to remain. Thatcher, newly elected leader, took to the campaign trail, while Labour’s left – including Tony Benn and Michael Foot – opposed membership, warning it would bind Britain to a capitalist club.
When the press backed Europe
Media support was similarly unrecognisable by today’s standards. The Daily Mail, Sun and Daily Telegraph all backed staying in. Only the Spectator and the Morning Star advocated leaving. Both, to their credit or infamy, remain steadfast in their view half a century later.
The “In” campaign, officially titled Britain in Europe, enjoyed clear organisational and financial advantages. It attracted significant backing from business and finance, and cleverly crafted distinct messages for different audiences. Its campaign combined economic warnings with messages of hope, unity and peace – powerful themes in a country where war memories remained vivid.
By contrast, the “Out” campaign was underfunded, divided and often chaotic. They included politicians from both ends of the political spectrum: Tony Benn and Barbara Castle on the left and Enoch Powell and Ian Paisley on the right. One official memorably described it as “people who would not want to be seen dead in the same coffin.”
The electorate in 1975 was also strikingly different. Younger voters were more sceptical of the EEC, while older generations – particularly veterans of two world wars – saw European cooperation as a safeguard against future conflict. Women were more hesitant than men and England was the most enthusiastic nation within the UK. East Anglian counties like Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire and Essex, which in 2016 voted strongly for Leave, in 1975 delivered large majorities for staying.
Immigration barely registered
Immigration, so central to the 2016 referendum, barely registered in 1975. With just nine member states and little labour movement across borders, there was no significant public anxiety about European migration. The focus instead was on sovereignty, food prices and Britain’s role on the world stage.
When the votes were counted, the result was emphatic: 67% voted to stay in the EEC, with every nation and region returning a majority for “Yes.” For many, the issue seemed settled. But as we now know, such resolutions are rarely permanent.
The parallels between 1975 and 2016 reveal something uncomfortable about how Britain engages with European questions. In both cases, referendums were used by embattled prime ministers to manage party divisions rather than to offer a clear, strategic, national vision. Both Harold Wilson and David Cameron sought to outsource responsibility to the electorate – and in doing so, may have undermined the very authority they hoped to preserve. As one commentator observed, “Let the people decide” often really means “I don’t want to be blamed for what happens.”
What hope looked like
Yet there is another lesson to be drawn. The 1975 campaign succeeded not just because of its resources, but because it dared to present Europe as a positive project. Economic arguments alone were not enough. The message that prevailed was one of shared identity, mutual benefit and hope for a more peaceful continent. It wasn’t fear that won – it was aspiration.
Today, as Britain grapples with the long shadow of the 2016 referendum, it’s worth reflecting on what might have been learnt – and forgotten – from that earlier moment. If the first referendum taught us anything, it is that Britain has always struggled to reconcile its identity with its geography. But it also reminds us that a confident, optimistic case for European partnership can resonate – if someone is willing to make it.
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