Only 2% of the British electorate are members of a political party. But, although numbers are small, those members do influence our politics. They can shape finances, campaigns, candidate and leadership selection, and potentially coalition choices in a fragmented party system. So, since 2015, the Party Members Project, based at Queen Mary, University of London, and Sussex University has been surveying members to understand who the members are, their activity, attitudes and beliefs. Their latest report, examining membership since the 2024 election, was published last month.
They find that, although membership of the two traditional main parties has fallen, there are still two broad blocs. On the left are Greens, Labour, Lib Dems, and on the right are Conservatives and Reform UK. But the members are remarkably similar, and unlike the general population – regardless of party – they are disproportionately male, middle‑aged, middle‑class, university‑educated and white, and living in southern England. But there is an exception: the social class profile of Reform members is much more like the country as a whole, and they are much less likely to be graduates.
Ideology, issues and identity
Unsurprisingly, party members have stronger political views than the electorate, and for them, the divide which emerged during the Brexit campaign still remains very visible. In the referendum, over 80% of members in the left bloc voted remain, while over 90% of Reform members and 60% of Conservatives voted leave.
When asked to place themselves on a left-right political spectrum, Greens were most firmly left wing with 80% choosing ‘very’ or ‘fairly’ left wing. By contrast, 45% of Reform members chose ‘very’ or ‘fairly’ right wing.
On the broad left, Greens, Labour and Lib Dem members strongly favour higher taxes and public spending. They are pro EU, broadly pro‑immigration, strongly supportive of net zero, sceptical of “separate spheres” for men and women, and more ambivalent about national history.
On the right, by contrast, Conservatives and especially Reform members are in favour of a low-tax small state, and in the Brexit referendum they overwhelmingly voted leave. They see immigration as too high, are more critical of net zero, more accepting of traditional gender roles, and are very proud of Britain’s past. But Reform members were by far the most committed to tax cuts and state shrinkage.
Leadership preferences
Asked what three qualities they wanted in a leader, members across all parties included ‘being in touch with ordinary people’. But, after that, there was a clear divide. Members in the left bloc all chose ‘a strong moral compass’, with Greens and LibDems also choosing ‘ability to empathise with others’, and Labour members choosing ‘being a good communicator’. By contrast, members in the right bloc chose ‘being able to stand up for the UK in dealing with other countries’ and while Conservatives wanted a leader who could ‘unite the nation’, Reform members prioritised ‘strength and authority’.
The option of ‘strong leaders who are prepared to break the rules in order to get things done’ was supported by two thirds of Reform members and 40% of Conservatives, but only a quarter of Greens, and only a tenth of Labour and LibDem members. Reform members were much more likely to choose qualities which psychologists call the ‘dark triad’, of narcissism, Machiavellianism and subclinical psychopathy.
Campaigning and activism
The report stresses that most members are not ‘activists’, even at election time, and that a small hard core does most of the work. In 2024, over half of Conservative members did nothing at all for their party, not even displaying posters. Greens, and especially Reform members, were most active in sharing and creating social media content, while Lib Dems remain notably strong on leaflet delivery. Conservative members were less likely to donate, with only about one in six giving money during the campaign, compared with roughly a quarter of Greens and Labour members and about a third of Lib Dem and Reform members.
Attachment, hostility and blocs
It is clear that membership creates a sense of identification but not blind loyalty. Around four‑fifths of members in most parties feel a bond when they meet a fellow supporter, but only Reform members feel personally insulted when their party is criticised.
However, most have a strong sense of which party they feel most distant from. For Green, Labour and Lib Dem members that party is overwhelmingly Reform, while for Conservatives and Reform it is usually Labour, with the Greens as a secondary target. Conservative and Reform members are much less hostile to each other and, although they oppose a merger, they still behave as a loose right‑wing bloc.
A new model?
Overall, party members are all more like each other than they are like the rest of us. Most people have other things to do with their time and money. But it would appear that Reform is breaking the mould in a variety of ways. Ironically, although its members are more like its voters, and the electorate more generally, it is a limited company controlled by two directors (five have resigned). What that means remains to be seen.
More from East Anglia Bylines
Bylines Network Gazette is out!
The latest Bylines Network Gazette is out now. Become a Friend of Bylines Network or upgrade to a paid Substack subscription, and you will get access to a vital collection of citizen articles and stories.
Journalism by the people, for the people.
